Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy
- Autores
- Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul
- Año de publicación
- 2025
- Idioma
- inglés
- Tipo de recurso
- artículo
- Estado
- versión publicada
- Descripción
- Why should we value democratic institutions? How does the number of individuals whose preferences are satisfied contribute to the quality of decisions made through this procedure? Should political decisions be entrusted to experts instead of allowing majorities to have decisive influence? Suppose we set aside the egalitarian values inherently present in democratic institutions and their supposed epistemic potential. We argue that increasing the satisfaction of the free and informed preferences of those affected—whether by generating the greatest possible consensus around binding decisions or by creating spaces of partial deregulation—contributes crucially to decision quality. This is because relevant political decisions are invariably made in contexts of risk. Risk acts as the non-epistemic bridge between the number of individuals supporting a decision and the quality of the expected outcome.In contexts marked by a significant probability of error and a high cost of error to individual well-being, decision-making should be conducted through an open and perpetually revisable system. This system must combine majority rule with the effective possibility of contestation at the individual or collective level, seeking to incrementally accommodate individual preferences. Rather than justifying governmental decisions solely on the grounds that they are “correct” or that decision procedures track the truth, the system’s objective should be to remain sensitive to the range of acceptable gains and tolerable losses for each affected individual. The fundamental problem is not agent fallibility itself—the making of factual or normative errors—but rather the exposure of affected individuals to risk levels incompatible with the sustainability of their life projects.We offer an instrumental, non-epistemic justification of a republican conception of democracy. To this end, we develop a novel consequentialist normative theory, which we term risk-centered ordinal consequentialism. This conception aims to account for defining aspects of political normativity. In this framework, the criterion of correctness—without relinquishing the pursuit of objective and impartial reasons—is the degree to which decisions approach the twin ideals of fully free and informed consensus and deregulation without interpersonal domination. In a republican democracy, the maximization of expected good—or utility—and of freedom as non-domination are extensionally equivalent.
Fil: Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras; Argentina. Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso". - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Ciudad Universitaria. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso".; Argentina - Materia
-
Risk
Contestatory Democracy
Epistocracy
Consequentialism - Nivel de accesibilidad
- acceso abierto
- Condiciones de uso
- https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
- Repositorio
.jpg)
- Institución
- Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
- OAI Identificador
- oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/291677
Ver los metadatos del registro completo
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Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of DemocracyGarreta Leclercq, Mariano RaulRiskContestatory DemocracyEpistocracyConsequentialismhttps://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.3https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6Why should we value democratic institutions? How does the number of individuals whose preferences are satisfied contribute to the quality of decisions made through this procedure? Should political decisions be entrusted to experts instead of allowing majorities to have decisive influence? Suppose we set aside the egalitarian values inherently present in democratic institutions and their supposed epistemic potential. We argue that increasing the satisfaction of the free and informed preferences of those affected—whether by generating the greatest possible consensus around binding decisions or by creating spaces of partial deregulation—contributes crucially to decision quality. This is because relevant political decisions are invariably made in contexts of risk. Risk acts as the non-epistemic bridge between the number of individuals supporting a decision and the quality of the expected outcome.In contexts marked by a significant probability of error and a high cost of error to individual well-being, decision-making should be conducted through an open and perpetually revisable system. This system must combine majority rule with the effective possibility of contestation at the individual or collective level, seeking to incrementally accommodate individual preferences. Rather than justifying governmental decisions solely on the grounds that they are “correct” or that decision procedures track the truth, the system’s objective should be to remain sensitive to the range of acceptable gains and tolerable losses for each affected individual. The fundamental problem is not agent fallibility itself—the making of factual or normative errors—but rather the exposure of affected individuals to risk levels incompatible with the sustainability of their life projects.We offer an instrumental, non-epistemic justification of a republican conception of democracy. To this end, we develop a novel consequentialist normative theory, which we term risk-centered ordinal consequentialism. This conception aims to account for defining aspects of political normativity. In this framework, the criterion of correctness—without relinquishing the pursuit of objective and impartial reasons—is the degree to which decisions approach the twin ideals of fully free and informed consensus and deregulation without interpersonal domination. In a republican democracy, the maximization of expected good—or utility—and of freedom as non-domination are extensionally equivalent.Fil: Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras; Argentina. Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso". - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Ciudad Universitaria. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso".; ArgentinaCentro de Investigaciones Filosóficas2025-08-13info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionhttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501info:ar-repo/semantics/articuloapplication/pdfapplication/zipapplication/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/11336/291677Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul; Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy; Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Revista Latinoamericana de Fiosofía Política; 15; 1; 13-8-2025; 225-3612250-8619CONICET DigitalCONICETenginfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://rlfp.org.ar/revista/index.php/RLFP/article/view/172info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.36446/rlfp172info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesshttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET)instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas2026-08-25T14:42:40Zoai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/291677instacron:CONICETInstitucionalhttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/Organismo científico-tecnológicoNo correspondehttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/oai/requestdasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.arArgentinaNo correspondeNo correspondeNo correspondeopendoar:34982026-08-25 14:42:40.357CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicasfalse |
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| title |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| spellingShingle |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul Risk Contestatory Democracy Epistocracy Consequentialism |
| title_short |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| title_full |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| title_fullStr |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| title_sort |
Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy |
| dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul |
| author |
Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul |
| author_facet |
Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul |
| author_role |
author |
| dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
Risk Contestatory Democracy Epistocracy Consequentialism |
| topic |
Risk Contestatory Democracy Epistocracy Consequentialism |
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https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.3 https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6 |
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Why should we value democratic institutions? How does the number of individuals whose preferences are satisfied contribute to the quality of decisions made through this procedure? Should political decisions be entrusted to experts instead of allowing majorities to have decisive influence? Suppose we set aside the egalitarian values inherently present in democratic institutions and their supposed epistemic potential. We argue that increasing the satisfaction of the free and informed preferences of those affected—whether by generating the greatest possible consensus around binding decisions or by creating spaces of partial deregulation—contributes crucially to decision quality. This is because relevant political decisions are invariably made in contexts of risk. Risk acts as the non-epistemic bridge between the number of individuals supporting a decision and the quality of the expected outcome.In contexts marked by a significant probability of error and a high cost of error to individual well-being, decision-making should be conducted through an open and perpetually revisable system. This system must combine majority rule with the effective possibility of contestation at the individual or collective level, seeking to incrementally accommodate individual preferences. Rather than justifying governmental decisions solely on the grounds that they are “correct” or that decision procedures track the truth, the system’s objective should be to remain sensitive to the range of acceptable gains and tolerable losses for each affected individual. The fundamental problem is not agent fallibility itself—the making of factual or normative errors—but rather the exposure of affected individuals to risk levels incompatible with the sustainability of their life projects.We offer an instrumental, non-epistemic justification of a republican conception of democracy. To this end, we develop a novel consequentialist normative theory, which we term risk-centered ordinal consequentialism. This conception aims to account for defining aspects of political normativity. In this framework, the criterion of correctness—without relinquishing the pursuit of objective and impartial reasons—is the degree to which decisions approach the twin ideals of fully free and informed consensus and deregulation without interpersonal domination. In a republican democracy, the maximization of expected good—or utility—and of freedom as non-domination are extensionally equivalent. Fil: Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras; Argentina. Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso". - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Ciudad Universitaria. Instituto de Filosofía "Ezequiel de Olaso".; Argentina |
| description |
Why should we value democratic institutions? How does the number of individuals whose preferences are satisfied contribute to the quality of decisions made through this procedure? Should political decisions be entrusted to experts instead of allowing majorities to have decisive influence? Suppose we set aside the egalitarian values inherently present in democratic institutions and their supposed epistemic potential. We argue that increasing the satisfaction of the free and informed preferences of those affected—whether by generating the greatest possible consensus around binding decisions or by creating spaces of partial deregulation—contributes crucially to decision quality. This is because relevant political decisions are invariably made in contexts of risk. Risk acts as the non-epistemic bridge between the number of individuals supporting a decision and the quality of the expected outcome.In contexts marked by a significant probability of error and a high cost of error to individual well-being, decision-making should be conducted through an open and perpetually revisable system. This system must combine majority rule with the effective possibility of contestation at the individual or collective level, seeking to incrementally accommodate individual preferences. Rather than justifying governmental decisions solely on the grounds that they are “correct” or that decision procedures track the truth, the system’s objective should be to remain sensitive to the range of acceptable gains and tolerable losses for each affected individual. The fundamental problem is not agent fallibility itself—the making of factual or normative errors—but rather the exposure of affected individuals to risk levels incompatible with the sustainability of their life projects.We offer an instrumental, non-epistemic justification of a republican conception of democracy. To this end, we develop a novel consequentialist normative theory, which we term risk-centered ordinal consequentialism. This conception aims to account for defining aspects of political normativity. In this framework, the criterion of correctness—without relinquishing the pursuit of objective and impartial reasons—is the degree to which decisions approach the twin ideals of fully free and informed consensus and deregulation without interpersonal domination. In a republican democracy, the maximization of expected good—or utility—and of freedom as non-domination are extensionally equivalent. |
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http://hdl.handle.net/11336/291677 Garreta Leclercq, Mariano Raul; Risk-Centered Ordinal Consequentialism: A Defense of Democracy; Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Revista Latinoamericana de Fiosofía Política; 15; 1; 13-8-2025; 225-361 2250-8619 CONICET Digital CONICET |
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